Corruption Causes Political Crisis in Brazil

Justice indicates that almost 100 politicians are involved in bribery

Mariela Pérez Valenzuela

Brazil is on the spotlight of the world’s public opinion after the publication of a list of 98 high-level politicians allegedly involved in the Odebrecht scandal, when their executives in prison blew the whistle on their accomplices benefitted in the Executive and Legislative powers.

This is not the first and will not be the last case of corrupt politicians, already confirmed, in a country labelled abroad for the seduction of its women, its music, soccer and other touristic attractions which hide the poverty, unemployment, drug trafficking and the coup d’état against the leaders elected to rule respectably and are registered, at least, in a list of alleged thieves.

Now with Michel Temer as President, with a minimum popular approval and champion of neoliberalism after illegaly deposing his predecessor Dilma Rousseff, Brazil showed, not for the first time, but overtly, the role money plays in national politics.

The revelation of the names of the presumed liable was published on the Sao Paulo State Journal, with a list of renowned figures, among them eight ministers of Temer’s regime, three governors, 39 deputies, and five former presidents who represent 17 parties. From the group, only former President Luiz Inacio da Silva, denied the allegations and said that if there was a single evidence of his connections he would abandon politics.

Although it does not mean an accusation, or a comdemnation, the Minister of Justice asked the competent authorities for a further investigation of the listed ones to have concrete results within 30 days.

This situation comes when Temer and his cabinet are trying to have the reforms on retirement and labor market approved by the National Congress. A third of the congressmen are involved in the Lavajato case for bribery in the Petrobras state company and connections with Odebrecht.

While a sector of the media in Brazil announce that the Congress will speed up the debates about these anti-grass roots measures, others say that the stampede of deputies and senators, after the publication of the Fanchín list, makes difficult the return to normal.

Last month, thousands of people mobilized in the main cities of the South American country to protest for the neoliberal reforms, which will leave 30 million people jobless, and a 46% of the population of 200 million inhabitants in poorer living conditions.

During his year of government Temer froze the social expenditure in the national budget for 20 years, unemployment rose in two thirds, and hampered the indigenous land demarcation and even proposed the sale of part of the state owned Petrobras, considered the “beauty” of the national economy.

The publication of the list of alleged corrupt politicians occurs in a pre-electoral year and affects 17 parties, including the big ones –the Worker’s Party (PT), the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) and the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PNBT). According to observers, the scandal can favor the letfwing organizations hitherto always crushed by the money handled by the political elites in their campaigns.

Almost all those involved and denounced by Marcelo Odebrecht, who is serving 19 years in prison in the state of Curitiba, as well as 77 other executives of his company, are accused of having funded their electoral campaigns through money-bribing in return of later favors when they take office.

Odebrecht, whose corruption network affects politicians from 12 countries, stated that the vast majority of Brazilian leaders, whether municipal, state, or executive or National Congress received money at some point from transnational corporations. Ending corruption in a country like Brazil is the task of leaders who do not belong to the current elite, or previous decades, since after the downfall of the militar dictatorship in its last phase (1985), corruption became more entrenched in the political field.

The next few days are highly important for Brazil, since the rightwing regime should define whether to keep in force the neoliberal policies demanded by the great capitals, or to stop, not because Temer agrees to its halt, since he has a huge commitment to those who defeated Rousseff and put him in charge; but because he will lack quorum in the Congress, or because the trade unions, the students and the farmers on the streets will force him to change his mind, at least for the moment.